We open this episode of the Cyberlaw Podcast with some actual news about the debate over renewing section 702 of FISA. That’s the law that allows the government to target foreigners for a national security purpose and to intercept their communications in and out of the U.S. A lot of attention has been focused on what happens to those communications after they’ve been intercepted and stored, and particularly whether the FBI should get a second court authorization—maybe even a warrant based on probable cause—to search for records about an American. Michael J. Ellis reports that the Office of the Director of National Intelligence has released new data on such FBI searches. Turns out, they’ve dropped from almost 3 million last year to nearly 120 thousand this year. In large part the drop reflects the tougher restrictions imposed by the FBI on such searches. Those restrictions were also made public this week. It has also emerged that the government is using section 702 millions of times a year to identify the victims of cyberattacks (makes sense: foreign hackers are often a national security concern, and their whole business model is to use U.S. infrastructure to communicate [in a very special way] with U.S. networks.) So it turns out that all those civil libertarians who want to make it hard for the government to search 702 for the names of Americans are proposing ways to slow down and complicate the process of warning hacking victims. Thanks a bunch, folks! Justin Sherman covers China’s push to attack and even take over enemy (U.S.) satellites. This story is apparently drawn from the Discord leaks, and it has the ring of truth. I opine that the Defense Department has gotten a little too comfortable waging war against people who don’t really have an army, and that the Ukraine conflict shows how much tougher things get when there’s an organized military on the other side. (Again, credit for our artwork goes to Bing Image Creator.) Adam Candeub flags the next Supreme Court case to nibble away at the problem of social media and the law. We can look forward to an argument next year about the constitutionality of public officials blocking people who post mean comments on the officials’ Facebook pages.  Justin and I break down a story about whether Twitter is complying with more government demands under Elon Musk. The short answer is yes. This leads me to ask why we expect social media companies to spend large sums fighting government takedown and surveillance requests when it’s much cheaper just to comply. So far, the answer has been that mainstream media and Good People Everywhere will criticize companies that don’t fight. But with criticism of Elon Musk’s Twitter already turned up to 11, that’s not likely to persuade him. Adam and I are impressed by Citizen Labs’ report on search censorship in China. We’d both kind of like to see Citizen Lab do the same thing for U.S. censorship, which somehow gets less transparency. If you suspect that’s because there’s more censorship than U.S. companies want to admit, here’s a straw in the wind: Citizen Lab reports that the one American company still providing search services in China, Microsoft Bing, is actually more aggressive about stifling political speech than China’s main search engine, Baidu. This fits with my discovery that Bing’s Image Creator refused to construct an image using Taiwan’s flag. (It was OK using U.S. and German flags, but not China’s.) I also credit Microsoft for fixing that particular bit of overreach: You can now create images with both Taiwanese and Chinese flags.  Adam covers the EU’s enthusiasm for regulating other countries’ companies. It has designated 19 tech giants as subject to its online content rules. Of the 19, one is a European company, and two are Chinese (counting TikTok). The rest are American companies.  I cover a case that I think could be a big problem for the Biden administration